Learning about leadership

The international media have come to its own conclusions about the reasons for Bruce Golding's decision to step down as prime minister and party leader. The Gleaner gave a sample last Tuesday. The Guardian wrote: "Veteran leader damaged Labour Party's standing by opposing extradition of drug lord Christopher 'Dudus' Coke to the United States (US)." The Washington Post reported, "Jamaica's governing party announced Sunday that Prime Minister Bruce Golding will step down as leader in the coming weeks, possibly averting a rebellion from ruling party members that could have led to his ouster." Al Jazeera printed, "Bruce Golding to step down amid criticism of his role in extradition to the US of drug lord Christopher 'Dudus' Coke."

The world public will remember Golding for his mix-up with a dangerous criminal like Coke. One of the key lessons we can learn from Golding's brief stay as prime minister and party leader, therefore, is the importance of ruling with moral authority. Those leaders who are to follow in either party should take note. Moral authority requires having a clear sense of right and wrong and doing the right thing. Not all issues are clearly right or wrong. The death penalty and homosexuality have strong advocates on either side. In fact, Mr Golding seemed clear that no homosexual would be allowed in his Cabinet. It is a pity that he was not clear on the issues that forced him to step down.

Decent Jamaicans are clear about the difference between right and wrong in the Coke affair. Drug trafficking is wrong. Gun trafficking is wrong. Murder is wrong. Conspiracy to commit any of these is wrong. Lying about it is wrong. Deceiving others about it is wrong. Covering it up is wrong. Failing to take responsibility is wrong. Spending millions on a sham commission of enquiry when the country badly needed that money is wrong.

To have a government that does not know the difference between such clear right and clear wrong is wrong.

It is not all Jamaicans who were affronted by the transgressions of Mr Golding and his Government. Others from the highly educated to the uneducated were. Many among the rich and the poor, and from uptown and downtown, were. But many other Jamaicans were clear what was right and what was wrong. Why Mr Golding did not is beyond me.

Democratic Principles

Moral authority also rests on respecting the principles of democratic government and the constitution by which we are governed. Leaders must not think they are above the constitution. What are these principles and how do they apply to Mr Golding?

Our leaders must learn that using government for party business is wrong. Defending or appearing to defend alleged or confessed criminals rather than letting the law take its course is wrong. Associating oneself in any way with crime lords and murderous gangs is wrong. Promising, but failing to dismantle violent constituency organisations is wrong. Failing to tell the truth to Parliament and people is wrong. Disrespecting our system of separation of powers between politics and law is wrong. Damaging the reputation of the country and the good name of its people is wrong. Breaching international law and dishonouring international treaties is wrong. Failing to resign when you have been caught lying is wrong.

We all now know that Christopher Coke has confessed to two counts of racketeering conspiracy, and conspiracy to commit assault with a dangerous weapon in aid of racketeering. Statements from the US government point to a likely motive for the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Government's attempt to frustrate the extradition. They said Coke's "soldiers' responsibilities included ... participating in election-related activities - including motivating members of surrounding communities to support particular candidates by intimidation."

We cannot have criminals playing this kind of role or any kind of role in our political process. Election violence and intimidation is wrong.

Further information from the motion against Coke says that, "Coke's involvement in brutal acts of violence, and his reputation for ruthlessness, was a crucial part of his global reach and the influence he had over his co-conspirators both in Kingston and the United States." It also said, "The US government sought to admit witness testimony that Coke personally murdered individuals in the 'jail' in Tivoli Gardens. In one case, "While the victim was tied down, Coke killed him with a chainsaw."

Opposition spokesman for national security, Peter Bunting, concluded that this "now makes it abundantly clear that the JLP administration has extraordinarily poor judgement and lacks the moral authority to continue to govern this country." Mr Bunting's political affiliation should not cloud the issue. We don't really need him to tell us right from wrong. We must know, and thankfully enough people knew the difference and knew, that Golding was wrong. Too many of us are moral relativists, that is, convenient moralists who judge right and wrong based on whether the JLP or PNP did it or said it.

The Moral People

There is another lesson we must learn about democracy. I notice that much is being said about the 10-month political effort by the Peoples' National Party (PNP) and civil society to compel the Golding administration to comply with the extradition request of the US. The PNP can take credit for exposing the Manatt connection, bringing a motion of no-confidence in Parliament against Golding and Dorothy Lightbourne, exposing the "web of deceit" surrounding the matter at the commission of enquiry, and rallying Jamaicans to protest the commission's behaviour through the recent bus tour. Civil society can take credit for publicly condemning Golding and the Government's role in the Manatt-Coke affair.

However, in the end, it was the people whose numbers and whose moral authority prevailed. A majority of Jamaicans had consistently criticised Golding and said, according to the polls, that he should resign. It was they who refused to buy the political spin that the Government and its apologists put on the matter.

Sometimes the people can be democracy's enemy, but usually they are its greatest friends. Elites who wield the power of government, wealth, the media and raw force sometimes have an exaggerated sense of their own importance and underestimate the power of the people. It was the power of the vote that ultimately made Golding and the JLP come to accept that Golding was a liability going into the next election.

The commission of enquiry backfired on the JLP. It ridiculed them publicly and daily. It made a 'Star Boy' out of K.D. Knight. But it was the people who the JLP always feared the most. The media had reported that the party would review Golding's public standing at last Sunday's Central Executive meeting. I had been told a year ago, that the Young Turks had given Golding until this time before the November conference to turn the party's image and public standing around, or he would have to go. The party was always concerned most about Golding's public standing as election year drew closer.

There might be more behind Golding's intended resignation. But, at this point, it is what the voters think that seems to really matter.

We do not know what confessions and admissions Coke has or intends to make.

Robert Buddan lectures in the Department of Government, UWI, Mona. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com and Robert.Buddan@uwimona.edu.jm.